The DA's lawyer, Ishmail Jamie SC, denies that the parties involved in the case made any effort to have the judge considering their challenge to the legitimacy of Zuma's clinical parole granted access to Zuma's confidential medical information.
He maintains that the DA's view remained that, without a positive suggestion from the clinical parole board, the Public Official had no capacity to give Zuma clinical parole.
The DA's attorney, Ishmail Jamie SC, disputes the claim that the relevant parties did not make any effort to secure classified access to Zuma's medical data in order to present their challenge to the legality of his clinical parole before the appointed authorities. He maintains that the DA's view continues that, without a positive recommendation from the clinical parole board, the Public Official has no capacity to give Zuma clinical parole.
Mpofu thinks that it would be "Draconian" for Zuma to be ordered to serve 10 extra months under parole
which he fights since it's the result of a choice that his time spent on clinical parole didn't prepare him for.
We have now come to one of the most legitimately vulnerable elements of the Matojane administering: his plea that the time that Zuma served on clinical parole not be included portion of his sentence.
According to Mpofu, Zuma should be criticised once again for this "disgusting" administration.
Here we are at one of the most legally vulnerable aspects of Matojane's administration: his request that Zuma's time spent on clinical parole not count toward his sentence. </p><p> Mpofu says Zuma should be chastised again because of this administration, which he calls "repulsive."
Mpofu claims that the diagnosis of Zuma's terminal illness, which he claims would necessitate 24-hour care, is the primary justification for his clinical parole.
Mpofu further notes that Zuma cannot receive such treatment while incarcerated.
According to Mpofu, the fact that Zuma was diagnosed with a terminal illness and granted clinical parole was the most important factor in justifying the release of the former president from prison. Mpofu claimed that Zuma would not have access to such courtesy while incarcerated.
Makgoka wonders if Mpofu's concerns regarding the conditions under which Zuma was detained are more of a treatment issue than a parole issue.
Mpofu claims that sending Zuma back to prison would amount to "abandoning him," as the head of penitentiaries has stated unequivocally that there are no offices that could satisfy him.
Since the head of penitentiaries has stated unequivocally that there are no offices that could obligate Zuma, Mpofu argues that returning him to prison would amount to "abandoning him."
Makgoka offers his assistance and expresses his struggle with the idea that Zuma, at 79 years old, should be responsible for his own care and the making of his own bed in prison.
Mpofu argues that Fraser was able to take into account the "fact" that Zuma, as an ex-president, was "entitled" to receive round-the-clock medical attention.
According to him, Zuma is unique.
Mpofu argues that Fraser had the competence to take into account the "fact" that Zuma, as an ex-president, was "entitled" to receive round-the-clock medical care. According to him, Zuma is unique.
Mpofu: "There is not the tiniest piece of proof to suggest that the Acting Public Magistrate wouldn't take the decision on clinical parole lawfully, even if the allegations were true and given the recent change in monitor.
"Any alternative would be based on the most recent scientific evidence available. The outcome of the August vote has no bearing on the reaction of a different leader to new evidence. Upon refresh, the real Board might offer a different recommendation.
"To put it bluntly, the information contained in the condemned August choice is outdated and is unlikely to affect a future decision that the court may order. For that additional rationale, the application is also scholarly."
Mpofu: "Even if the allegations were true and the change in leadership would affect the decision on clinical parole, there is no evidence to suggest that the Acting Public Chief would make an invalid decision.
"Any alternative would be based on the most recent scientific evidence available. What might happen when additional evidence is presented to a different leader is unrelated to the August choice. After reviewing the revision, the real Board may choose to return a different candidate." To put it simply, the information contained in the rejected August ballot is now outdated and is unlikely to affect a future ballot that the court may order to be cast. For that additional rationale, the application is also scholarly."
Mpofu insists that the current Public Chief is unconcerned by the "silly" assertions that Fraser operated with bias because he was Zuma's former government operative manager.
He argues that if Zuma's clinical parole is found to be invalid, the Public Magistrate might be asked to provide a fresh assurance as to whether or not he should be granted conventional parole.
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